by
Anupama Shaw
BAJMC 6
The
founders of modern India, leaders like Jawaharlal Nehru and B.R. Ambedkar, did
not view religion as a threat to democracy. Their main concern was communalism,
the harmful belief that people from one religious group oppose those from
another. For them, secularism was about preventing religion from being misused
for political reasons. Ambedkar, who wrote India's Constitution, understood how
religion could justify caste oppression and social hierarchy. To him, a secular
state was not just a legal matter; it was a moral commitment to uphold human
dignity.
Articles
25 to 28 of the Constitution guarantee freedom of religion. Article 14 ensures
equality before the law. These statements were not just decorative phrases;
they formed the backbone of the republic. The word "secular" was
officially added to the Preamble by the 42nd Constitutional Amendment in 1976,
reaffirming that the founding vision was intentional.
However,
the current political forces in India have a different vision. The ruling party
and its supporters openly promote a majoritarian view of nationalism,
prioritizing the identity of the majority and viewing cultural diversity as
secondary. This change is not subtle; it is loud, deliberate, and often
unapologetic. It often presents secularism as a Western idea that does not fit
India's cultural context.
A
key piece of evidence for this change is the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) of
2019. For the first time in India’s history, religion was a clear criterion for
citizenship. The Act expedited citizenship for persecuted minorities from
Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan, but notably excluded Muslims. Critics
argued this directly violated the Constitution’s guarantee of equality. The
Supreme Court received over 200 petitions challenging the law. As of 2025, a
final ruling is still pending, indicating the political weight of the
issue.
Additionally,
the National Register of Citizens (NRC) exercise in Assam left about 1.9
million people stateless, many of whom were Muslims who had lived in the state
for generations. What started as a citizenship issue turned into a religious
matter based on lived experiences.
This shift is evident not only in legislation but also in everyday life. According to the India Hate Lab, incidents of anti-Muslim hate speech increased by over 62% between 2022 and 2023. The India spend database recorded more than 100 cases of cow-related violence from 2010 to 2022, with Muslims being the primary targets. Many of these incidents occurred in public, yet many perpetrators faced no consequences. When the state does not respond promptly and firmly to communal violence, its silence becomes a message rather than neutrality.
Ironically,
the decline of secularism did not begin solely with the ruling forces.
Opposition parties share some of the blame, often using vote-bank politics to
appeal to specific religious or caste groups. This approach has led to
identity-based division and further weakened the nation’s secular fabric. The
Congress party, which ruled India for decades under the banner of secularism,
also faced its own communal failures. The 1984 anti-Sikh riots, which followed
Indira Gandhi's assassination, led to the deaths of over 3,000 Sikhs, mainly in
Delhi. The state’s response to this violence was insufficient; justice was
delayed for many years.
It
is important to note that selective secularism protecting minorities only when
it is politically advantageous is not true secularism. The decline started long
before 2014. It has quietly developed under various governments, led by leaders
who viewed religious identity as a political tool rather than a constitutional
issue. Recently, there have been signs of bias in parts of the judiciary,
especially at lower levels, favouring majority interests in sensitive cases.
While higher courts have generally maintained a balanced stance, these shifts
at the grassroots level are concerning for a democracy that values justice and
equality.
In
2020, the Allahabad High Court made comments suggesting that conversion for
marriage was unacceptable language mirroring the "love jihad"
narrative promoted by right wing groups before reversing its stance. The fact
that such ideas entered judicial discussions at all is significant. Courts
should not reflect popular bias; they exist to challenge it. Moreover, the use
of the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) against journalists, students,
and activists, many of whom criticized government religious or cultural
policies, has drawn criticism from groups like Amnesty International and Human
Rights Watch. When dissent becomes dangerous, supporting secularism becomes
even more challenging.
The
world is watching. Freedom House downgraded India from "Free" to
"Partly Free" in 2021, citing shrinking space for religious
minorities and civil society. The U.S. Commission on International Religious
Freedom has continually raised concerns about India. The Economist Intelligence
Unit's Democracy Index ranked India 46th in 2023, a significant drop from
previous years. These are not politically motivated attacks on India’s sovereignty;
they are assessments that the Constitution itself prompts: a republic must be
willing to evaluate itself against the standards it set at its founding.
If
India is to stay true to its Constitution, secularism must not just survive, it
must be actively defended. It is no longer merely a legal term or an academic
discussion. It is a reality that impacts how millions experience justice,
dignity, and freedom in their daily lives. India is not a failed state. Its
institutions, though under pressure, still function. Elections still take
place. Courts still occasionally rule against the government. The press,
despite challenges, still publishes. Civil society still protests. These are
important developments. But being wounded is not the same as being safe.
Democracies rarely collapse overnight. They erode gradually through countless small silences, through many moments when principles are sacrificed for convenience. The students in classrooms today, writing for college newspapers and debating in seminar halls, are not just observers of this story. They are part of its next chapter. The question "Is India still secular?" is one we cannot direct solely at our politicians. We must ask it of ourselves. The answer will depend entirely on what we are willing to uphold.
(N.B: Author's own opinion)
References & Further Reading:
I. Constitutional & Legal Documents
The Constitution of India: Full Text of Articles 14, 25-28 (Official Gazette).
The Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019: Ministry of Home Affairs Official Notification.
Supreme Court of India: SC to commence final hearing on 240+ CAA petitions from May 5, 2026 (India Today Report).
II.
Statistical Reports & Human Rights Data
Anti-Muslim Hate Speech: Hate Speech Events in India: 2023 Annual Report (India Hate Lab).
Cow-Related Violence: 78% of those killed in cow-related violence were Muslims (The Hindu/FactChecker.in).
Assam NRC Data: Final National Register of Citizens (NRC) List (2019) (Official State Portal).
III.
International Democracy Indices
Freedom House (2021): India: Freedom in the World — Status: Partly Free.
Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU): Democracy Index 2023: India Ranks 46th Globally.
Amnesty International: India 2023/24 Report on Human Rights and Dissent.
IV.
Judicial & Media Analysis
Allahabad High Court Ruling (Reversal): "Right to Choose Partner is Fundamental" — Order in Salamat Ansari vs. State of UP.
The
1984 Anti-Sikh Riots: Justice Nanavati Commission of Inquiry Report.

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